Reports of Brig. Gen. John B. Floyd, C. S. Army.
CAMP NEAR MURFREESBOROUGH, TENN.,
February 27, 1862.
SIR: Your order of
the 12th of this month, transmitted to me from Bowling Green by telegraph to
Cumberland City, reached me the same evening. It directed me to repair at once,
with what force I could command, to the support of the garrison at Fort
Donelson. I immediately prepared for my departure, and effected it in time to
reach Fort Donelson the next morning (13th) before daylight. Measures had been
already taken by Brigadier-General Pillow, then in command, to render our
resistance to the attack of the enemy as effectual as possible. He had, with
activity and industry, pushed forward the defensive works towards completion.
These defenses consisted in an
earthwork in Fort Donelson, in which were mounted guns of different calibers to
the number of thirteen. A field work, intended for the infantry support, was
constructed immediately behind the battery and upon the summit of the hill in
rear. Sweeping away from this field work eastward, to the extent of nearly 2
miles in its windings, was a line of intrenchments, defended on the outside at
some points with abatis. These intrenchments were occupied by the troops already
there and by the addition of those which came upon the field with me. The
position of the fort, which was established by the Tennessee authorities, was by
no means commanding, nor was the least military significance attached to the
position. The intrenchments, afterwards hastily made, in many places were
injudiciously constructed, because of the distance they were placed from the
brow of the hill, subjecting the men to a heavy fire from the enemy's
sharpshooters opposite as they advanced to or retired from the intrenchments.
Soon after my arrival the
intrenchments were fully occupied from one end to the other, and just as the sun
rose the cannonade from one of the enemy's gunboats announced the opening of the
conflict, which was destined to continue for three days and nights. In a very
short time the fire became general along our whole lines, and the enemy, who had
already planted batteries at several points around the whole circuit of our
intrenchments, as shown by a diagram herewith sent, opened a general and active
fire from all arms upon our trenches, which continued until darkness put an end
to the conflict. They charged with uncommon spirit at several points along on
the line, but most particularly at a point undefended by intrenchments, down a
hollow, which separated the right wing, under the command of Brigadier-General
Buckner, from the right of the center, commanded by Colonel Heiman. This charge
was prosecuted with uncommon vigor, but was met with a determined spirit of
resistance--a cool, deliberate courage--both by the troops of Brigadier-General
Buckner and Colonel Heiman, which drove the enemy, discomfited and cut to
pieces, back upon the position he had assumed in the morning. Too high praise
cannot be bestowed upon the battery of Captain Porter for their participation in
the rout of the enemy in this assault. My position was immediately in front of
the point of attack, and I was thus enabled to witness more distinctly the
incidents of it.
The enemy continued their fire upon
different parts of our intrenchments throughout the night, which deprived our
men of any opportunity to sleep. We lay that, night, upon our arms in the
trenches. We confidently expected at the dawn of day a more vigorous attack than
ever; but in this we were entirely mistaken. The day advanced and no
preparations seemed to be making for a general onset; but an extremely annoying
fire was kept up from the enemy's sharpshooters throughout the whole length of
the intrenchments from their long-range rifles. While this mode of attack was
not attended with any consider able loss, it nevertheless confined the men to
their trenches and prevented their taking their usual rest.
So stood the affairs of the field
until about 3 p.m., when the fleet of gunboats in full force advanced upon the
fort and opened fire. They advanced in the shape of a crescent, and kept up a
constant and incessant fire for one hour and a half, which was replied to with
uncommon spirit and vigor by the fort. Once the boats reached a point within a
few hundred yards of the fort, at which time it was that three of their boats
sustained serious injuries from our batteries and were compelled to fall back.
The line was broken and the enemy discomfited on the water, giving up the fight
entirely, which he never afterwards renewed.
I was satisfied from the incidents of
the last two days that the enemy did not intend again to give us battle in our
trenches. They had been fairly repulsed with very heavy slaughter upon every
effort to storm our position, and it was but fair to infer that they would not
again renew the unavailing attempt at our dislodgment when certain means to
effect the same end without loss were perfectly at their command. We were aware
of the fact that extremely heavy re-enforcements had been continually arriving
day and night for three days and nights, and I had no doubt whatever that their
whole available force on the Western waters could and would be concentrated here
if it was deemed necessary to reduce our position. I had already seen the
impossibility of holding out for any length of time with our inadequate numbers
and indefensible position. There was no place within our intrenchments but could
be reached by the enemy's artillery from their boats or their batteries.
It was but fair to infer that while
they kept up a sufficient fire upon our intrenchments to keep our men from sleep
and prevent repose, their object was merely to give time to pass a column above
us on the river, both on the right and the left banks, and thus to cut off all
our communication and to prevent the possibility of egress. I then saw clearly
that but one course was left by which a rational hope could be entertained of
saving the garrison or a part of it--that was to dislodge the enemy from his
position on our left, and thus to pass our people into the open country lying
southward towards Nashville. I called for a consultation of the officers of
divisions and brigades to take place after dark, when this plan was laid before
them, approved, and adopted, and at which it was determined to move from the
trenches at an early hour on the next morning and attack the enemy in his
position.
It was agreed that the attack should
commence upon our extreme left, and this duty was assigned Brigadier-General
Pillow, assisted by Brigadier-General Johnson, having also under his command
commanders of brigades Colonel Baldwin, commanding Mississippi and Tennessee
troops, and Colonel Wharton and Colonel McCausland, commanding Virginians. To
Brigadier-General Buckner was assigned the duty of making the attack from near
the center of our lines upon the enemy's forces upon the Wynn's Ferry road. The
attack on the left was delayed longer than I expected, and consequently the
enemy was found in position when our troops advanced. The attack, however, on
our part was extremely spirited; and although the resistance of the enemy was
obstinate, and their numbers far exceeded ours, our people succeeded in driving
them, discomfited and terribly cut to pieces, from the entire left.
The Kentucky troops, under
Brigadier-General Buckner, advanced from their position behind the intrenchments
upon the Wynn's Ferry road, but not until the enemy had been driven in a great
measure from the position he occupied in the morning.
I had ordered on the night before
that the two regiments stationed in Fort Donelson should occupy the trenches
vacated by Brigadier-General Buckner's forces, which, together with the men whom
he detached to assist in this purpose, I thought sufficient to hold them. My
intention was to hold with Brigadier-General Buckner's command the Wynn's Ferry
road, and thus to prevent the enemy during the night from occupying the position
on our left which he occupied in the morning. I gave him orders upon the field
to that effect.
Leaving him in position, then, I
started for the right of our command, to see that all was secure there, my
intention being, if things could be held in the condition that they then were,
to move the whole army, if possible, to the open country lying southward beyond
the Randolph Forge. During my absence, and from some misapprehension, I presume,
of the previous order given, Brigadier-General Pillow ordered Brigadier-General
Buckner to leave his position on the Wynn's Ferry road and to resume his place
in his trenches on the right. This movement was nearly executed before I was
aware of it.. As the enemy were pressing upon the trenches, I deemed that the
execution of this last order was all that was left to be done. The enemy, in
fact, succeeded in occupying an angle of the trenches on the extreme right of
Brigadier-General Buckner's command; and, as the fresh forces of the enemy had
begun already to move towards our left to occupy the position they held in the
morning, and as we had no force adequate to oppose their progress, we had to
submit to the mortification of seeing the ground which we had won by such a
severe conflict in the morning reoccupied by the enemy before midnight.
The enemy had been landing
re-enforcements throughout the day. His numbers had been augmented to
eighty-three regiments. Our troops were completely exhausted by four days and
nights of continued conflict. To renew it, with any hope of successful result
was obviously vain, and such I understand to be the unanimous opinion of all the
officers present at the council called to consider what was best to be done. I
thought, and so announced, that a desperate onset upon the right of the enemy's
forces, on the ground where we had attacked them in the morning, might result in
the extricating of a considerable proportion of the command from the position we
were in, and this opinion I understood to be concurred in by all who were
present; but it was likewise agreed, with the same unanimity, that it would
result in the slaughter of nearly all who did not succeed in effecting their
escape. The question then a rose whether, in point of humanity and a sound
military policy, a course should be adopted from which the probabilities were
that the larger proportion of the command would be cut to pieces in an
unavailing fight against overwhelming numbers. I understood the general
sentiment to be averse to the proposition, I felt that in this contingency,
while it might be questioned whether I should, as commander of the army, lead it
to certain destruction in an unavailing fight, I had a right individually to
determine that I would not survive a surrender there. To satisfy both
propositions, I agreed to hand over the command to Brigadier-General Buckner
through Brigadier-General Pillow, and to make an effort for my own extrication
by any and every means that might present themselves to me. I therefore
directed Colonel Forrest, a daring and determined officer, at the head of an
efficient regiment of cavalry, to be present, for the purpose of accompanying me
in what I supposed would be, an effort to pass through the enemy's lines. I
announced the fact upon turning the command over to Brigadier-General Buckner
that I would bring away with me by any means I could command my own particular
brigade, the propriety of which was acquiesced in on all hands. This, by various
modes, I succeeded in accomplishing to a great extent, and would have brought
off my whole command in one way or another if I had had the assistance of the
field officers who were absent from several of the regiments. The command was
turned over to Brigadier-General Buckner, who at once opened negotiations with
the enemy, which resulted in the surrender of the place.
Thus ended the conflict, running
through four days and four nights, a large portion of which time it was
maintained with the greatest fierceness and obstinacy, in which we, with a force
not exceeding 13,000, a large part of whom were ill armed, succeeded in
resisting and driving back with discomfiture an army consisting of more than
50,000 men.
I have no means of accurately
estimating the loss of the enemy. From what I saw upon the battle-field; from
what I witnessed throughout the whole period of the conflict; from what I was
able to learn from sources of information deemed by me worthy of credit, I have
no doubt that the enemy's loss in killed and wounded reached a number beyond
5,000. Our own losses were extremely heavy, but, for want of exact returns, I am
unable to state precise numbers. I think there will not be far from 1,500 killed
and wounded.
Nothing could exceed the coolness and determined spirit of resistance which animated the men in this long and perilous conflict; nothing could exceed the determined courage which characterized them throughout this terrible struggle, and nothing could be more admirable than the steadiness which they exhibited, until nature itself was exhausted, in what they knew to be a desperate fight against a foe very many times their superior in numbers. I cannot particularize in this report to you the numberless instances of heroic daring performed by both officers and men, but must content myself for the present by saying in my judgment they all deserve well of their country.
I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient
servant,
JOHN B. FLOYD,
Brigadier. Genera l, Commanding.
General A. SIDNEY JOHNSTON.
KNOXVILLE, TENN., March 20, 1862.
SIR: Your
communication of the 16th instant, from Decatur, reached me here to-day, where
I came in compliance with an order from Major-General Smith, who felt his
position endangered from the advance of the enemy.
In that communication you say:
Under date of March 11th the Secretary of War says:
"The reports of Generals Floyd and Pillow are unsatisfactory, and the President directs that both these generals be relieved from command till further orders." he further directs General Johnston "in the mean time to request them to add to their reports such statements as they may deem proper on the following points:
1st. The failure to give timely notice of the insufficiency of the garrison of Fort Donelson to repel attacks.
"2d. The failure of an attempt to save the army by evacuating the post when found to be untenable.
"3d. Why they abandoned the command to their inferior officer, instead of executing themselves whatever measure was deemed proper for the entire army.
" 4th. What was the precise mode by which each effected his escape from the post and what dangers were encountered in the retreat?
"5th. Upon what principle a selection was made of particular troops, being certain regiments of the senior general's brigade, to whose use all the transportation on hand was appropriated.
"6th. A particular designation of the regiments saved and the regiments abandoned which formed part of the senior general's brigade."
In obedience to this order I am directed by General Johnston to request your compliance with the wishes of the President in these particulars with as little delay as possible, and forward the report to these headquarters.
Under the same direction General Johnston has required a report from Colonel Forrest, detailing particularly the time and manner of his escape from Fort Donelson, the road he took, the number of enemies he met or saw in making his escape, and the difficulties which existed to prevent the remainder of the army from following the route taken by him in his escape with his command.
I give at once the additional
information which seems to be asked for in the communication of the Secretary
of War to which you refer.
The first charge is as follows:
The failure to give timely notice of the insufficiency of the garrison of Fort Donel-son to repel attacks.
I presume the general knew,
before I was ordered to Fort Donelson, that neither the works nor the troops
sent there could withstand the force which he knew the enemy had in hand and
which could be brought speedily to that point. I knew perfectly well that if
the whole force under General Johnston's command at Bowling Green had been
sent to Fort Donelson it would prove utterly insufficient to repel the advance
of the enemy up the Cumberland River. General Johnston's entire force,
including the troops at Donelson, as I understood it, did not exceed 30,000
men. I knew what I believe everybody else did, for it was made public through
the newspapers, that the enemy had in Kentucky alone one hundred and nineteen
regiments, and that he had nearly if not quite as many at Cairo, Saint Louis,
and the towns near the mouth of the Cumberland. It was also known that the
enemy had unlimited means of transportation for concentrating troops. How,
then, was it possible for General Johnston's whole army to meet that force,
which was known to be moving towards the mouths of the Tennessee and
Cumberland Rivers? The sequel proved that this information was correct, for
not only were the troops occupying Kentucky sent up the Cumberland, but large
additions were made to them from Missouri and Illinois, as stated by prisoners
and by the official reports of their own commanders. I could not, under a
sense of duty, call for re-enforcements, because the force under General
Johnston was not strong enough to afford a sufficient number to hold the
place. I consider the place illy chosen, out of position, and entirely
indefensible by any re-enforcements which could be brought there to its
support. It had but thirteen guns, and it turned out that but three of these
were effective against iron-clad steamers. I thought the force already there
sufficient for sacrifice, as well as enough to hold the place until Bowling
Green could be evacuated, with its supplies and munitions of war. This I
supposed to be the main object of the movement to Donelson, and the only good
that could be effected by desperately holding that post with the entirely
inadequate means in hand for defense of the Cumberland and Tennessee Rivers.
With a less force than 50,000 men the
position at Fort Donelson was, in my judgment, quite untenable, and even with
that force it could have been held for only a short time, unless a force of
20,000 men was supporting it at Clarksville and 25,000 more at least had been
stationed at Nashville. While these were my own views and opinions, I
nevertheless transmitted to General Johnston the exact state of affairs at the
fort at every stage of the conflict.
My views and opinions upon the
defense of Fort Donelson and the means of extricating the army from the trap
in which necessity had thrown it there had been set forth in a letter
addressed to the general from Clarksville before I received orders to go to
Fort Donelson, bearing date of February 12. I annex a copy of that letter:
CLARKSVILLE, TENN., February 12, 1862.
General JOHNSTON:
SIR: There is but little known satisfactorily of the enemy or their movements; up to 10 o'clock last night all was quiet as usual at the fort. General Buckner is now there. I have thought the best disposition to make of the troops on this line was to concentrate the main force at Cumberland City, leaving at Fort Donelson enough to make all possible resistance to any attack which may be made upon the fort, but no more. The character of the country in the rear and to the left of the fort is such as to make it dangerous to concentrate our whole force there; for, if their gunboats should pass the fort and command the river, our troops would be in danger of being cut off by a force from the Tennessee. In this event their road would be open to Nashville, without any obstruction whatever. The position at Cumberland City is better; for there the railroad diverges from the river, which would afford some little facility for transportation in case of necessity; and from thence the open country southward towards Nashville is easily reached. Besides, from that point we threaten the flank of any force sent from the Tennessee against the fort. I am making every possible effort to concentrate the forces here at Cumberland City. I have been in the greatest dread ever since I reached this place at their scattered condition. The force is inadequate to defend a line of 40 miles in length, which can he attacked from three different directions. We can only be formidable by concentration. A strong guard is all that can be left here, and this no longer than your movement can be made. I shall begin today, if the engineers report favorably, to blockade the river at the piers of the railroad bridge. I have taken up an idea that a raft, secured against this bridge, can render the river impassable for the gunboats. If this is possible, it will be an immense relict to the movements above. I am quite sure this blockade can be made at a lower stage of water; but the present stage of water renders this experiment somewhat doubtful; still I will make every exertion to effect the blockade, if possible. I received by telegraph your authority to make any disposition of the troops which in my judgment was best, and acknowledged it by a dispatch immediately. I am acting accordingly.
I am, general, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
JOHN B. FLOYD,
Brigadier-General, C.S. Army.
CHARGE 2.--The failure of any attempt to save the army by evacuating the post when found to be untenable.
I have been unfortunate if I have failed to show in my report of the battle at Fort Donelson that the fight on February 15, outside of our intrenchments, was nothing but an attempt to save the army by evacuating the fort, which the position and numbers of the enemy had already rendered untenable. In my report of February 27 I attempted to explain why we left our intrenchments on the 15th to give battle and the object I had in view in doing so. I said:
I had already seen the impossibility of holding out for any length of time with our inadequate numbers and indefensible position. There was no place in our intrenchments but could be reached by the enemy's artillery from their boats or their batteries. It was but fair to infer that while they kept up a sufficient fire upon our intrenchments to keep our men from sleep and prevent repose, their object was merely to give time to pass a column above us on the river, both on the right and the left banks, and thus to cut off all our communications and to prevent the possibility of egress. I then saw clearly that but one course was left by which a rational hope could be entertained of saving the garrison or a part of it--that was to dislodge the enemy from his position on our left, and thus to pass our people into the open country lying southward towards Nashville.
Upon the failure of' this
enterprise, the causes of' which are fully set forth in my report, it
obviously became impossible to save the army by evacuating the post; the
attempt to save the army had been made. I thought then, and still think, that
a more earnest attempt could not have been made by an equal number of men to
accomplish any enterprise by force of arms. To extricate the army then
involved the necessity of another battle that night, more desperate than that
of the morning, because the enemy had been greatly re-enforced, and held their
former position with fresh troops. There is such a thing as human exhaustion,
an end of physical ability in man to march and fight, however little such a
contingency may seem possible to those who sleep quietly upon soft beds, who
fare sumptuously every day, and have never tried the exposure of protracted
battles and hard campaigns. This point had been reached by our men; the
conflict, toil, and excitement of unsuspended battle, running through
eighty-four hours, was enough to wear out the physical strength of any men;
especially so when the greater part of the time they were exposed to a storm
of sleet, snow, and continued frost, and opposed to a force five or six times
greater than their own, without shelter or fire. Many of the men had been
frost-bitten, and a great many were so overcome by fatigue and want of sleep
as to be unable to keep open their eyes standing on their feet in the face and
under the fire of the enemy. In fact, the men were totally out of condition to
fight.
There were but two roads by which it
was possible to retire. If they went by the upper road, they would certainly
have a strong position of the enemy to cut through, besides having to march
over the battle-field strewn with corpses; and if they retired by the lower
road, they would have to wade through water 3 feet deep; which latter ordeal
the medical director stated would be death to more than half of the command on
account of the severity of the weather and their physical prostration. It was
believed in council that the army could not retire without sacrificing
three-fourths of it. The consultation which took place among the officers on
the night of the 15th was to ascertain whether a further struggle could be
maintained, and it was resolved in the negative unconditionally and
emphatically. General Buckner, whose immediate command was the largest in the
fort, was positive and unequivocal in his opinion that the fight could not be
renewed. I confess I was myself strongly influenced by this opinion of General
Buckner; for I have not yet seen an officer in whose superior military
ability, clear, discriminating judgment, in whose calm, unflinching courage
and unselfish patriotism I more fully confide than in his. The loss to the
Confederacy of so able, brave, and accomplished a soldier is irreparable.
From my own knowledge of the
condition of the men I thought that but few of them were in condition to
encounter a night conflict; so the plan of renewing the battle was abandoned,
and thus the necessity of surrender was prevented. All agreed that the
necessity existed. That conclusion having been reached, nothing remained but
to consider the manner of it, and that is fully set forth in my former report.
CHARGE 3.--Why they abandoned the command to their inferior officer, instead of executing themselves whatever measure was deemed proper for the entire army.
The "abandonment
of command" here imputed I suppose to mean the act of transferring to General
Buckner, who was willing to execute it, the performance of the formalities of
surrender. The surrender was a painful and inexorable necessity, which could
not be avoided, and not a "measure deemed proper for the entire army." On the
contrary, my proposition to take away as large a portion of the forces as
possible met, I am sure, with the approbation of the whole council. One of the
reasons which induced me to make this transfer to General Buckner was in order
that-I might be untrammeled in the effort was determined to make to extricate
as many of the command as possible from the tort, to which object I devoted
myself during the night of the 15th. So that I accomplished the fact of
bringing off troops from the position, I thought little of the manner of doing
so. All possibility of further fighting was over. Not another gun was to be
fired; no personal risk was to be incurred; certain and absolute freedom from
all personal danger was secured to those who surrendered; further danger,
conflict, and toil could befall those only who should attempt to escape and
those I chose to lead.
Nothing was to be done by those who
remained but to hoist the white flag and to surrender. This I would not do,
for the "measure" of surrender had not been thought of by myself or any
officer present in the council as one proper for the "entire army." I suppose
it to be an unquestionable principle of military action that in case of
disaster it is better to save a part of a command than to lose the whole. The
alternative proposition which I adopted in preference to surrendering the
"entire army" was to make my way out of the beleaguered camp with such men as
were still able to make another struggle, if it could be accomplished; and, if
it could not be, then to take any consequences that did not involve a
surrender.
CHARGE 5.--Upon what principle a selection was made of particular troops, being certain regiments of the senior general's brigade, to whose use all the transportation on hand was appropriated.
The answer to
this charge leads directly to that of the fourth, and I therefore respond
first to this. I presume it is well established that a senior general can
select any troops under his command for any service or purpose or plan he may
choose to execute; and if the means were offered of extricating only a portion
of men from a general surrender, I presume the selection of this portion would
rest with him rather than with any other person or persons. This would be a
sufficient answer to the charge in question, if I chose to rely upon it, which
I do not. My real answer I will give fully. It is untrue that "all the
transportation on hand was appropriated to certain regiments of the senior
general's brigade." It is untrue that a selection was made of "particular
troops." I am sure that quite as many men belonging to other brigades were
provided with "means of escape" "by the transportation on hand" as were of the
senior general's brigade.
Late at night it was ascertained that
two steamboats would probably reach the landing before daylight. Then I
determined to let Colonel Forrest's cavalry proceed on their march by the
river road, which was impassable for anything but cavalry, on account of the
backwater and overflow, while I would remain behind and endeavor to get away
as many men as possible by the boats. The boats came a short time before
daylight, when I hastened to the river and began to ferry the men over to the
opposite shore as rapidly as possible.
The men were taken on
indiscriminately as they came to the boats: but, in the first instance, more
of the "senior general's brigade" were present than of other troops, from this
circumstance, namely, that where I determined not to surrender, I caused my
brigade to be drawn up in line and to await my final preparation for a forward
movement. This was promptly done, and as they were nearest the left flank,
where the fight would first begin, so likewise were they nearest to the river
landing From this circumstance it happened that the troops from my immediate
command were among the first to enter the boats; but all the men from all
portions of the army who were present and could be gotten on board were taken
indiscriminately, as far as I had any knowledge. No man of the army was
excluded to make room for my brigade. On the contrary, all who came were taken
on board until some time after daylight, when I received a message from
General Buckner that any further delay at the wharf would certainly cause the
loss of the boat with all on board. Such was the want of all order and
discipline by this time on shore that a wild rush was made at the boat, which
the captain said would swamp her unless he pushed off immediately. This was
done, and about sunrise the boat on which I was (the other having gone) left
the shore and steered up the river. By this "precise mode" I effected my
"escape," and after leaving the wharf the Department will be pleased to hear
that I encountered no dangers whatever from the enemy.
I had announced in council my
determination to take my own brigade and attempt a retreat; and this, I
presume, is what is referred to in the charge of "selecting certain regiments
of the senior general's brigade." I "selected" this command because they had
been with me in the most trying service for seven months; had been repeatedly
under fire; had been exposed to every hardship incident to a campaign; had
never on any occasion flinched or faltered; had never uttered a complaint, and
I knew were to be relied on for any enterprise that could be accomplished. In
announcing this intention it was far from my purpose to exclude any troops who
might think proper or might be physically able to join me in making the
movement.
CHARGE 6.--A particular designation of the regiments saved and the regiments abandoned which formed a part of the senior general's brigade.
My brigade consisted of the
Thirty;-sixth Regiment Virginia Volunteers, the Fiftieth Regiment Virginia
Volunteers, the Fifty-first Regiment Virginia Volunteers, the Fifty-sixth
Regiment Virginia Volunteers, and the Twentieth Regiment Mississippi
Volunteers. No one of these regiments was either wholly saved or wholly left.
I could obtain no reports from regiments until I arrived at Murfreesborough.
There our morning reports show the aggregate of each regiment present
respectively to have been: Of the Thirty-sixth Regiment Virginia Volunteers,
243; Fiftieth Regiment Virginia Volunteers, 285; Fifty-first Regiment Virginia
Volunteers, 274; Fifty-sixth Regiment Virginia Volunteers, 184. The Twentieth
Regiment Mississippi Volunteers handed in no report at Murfreesborough, and
what there was of it was ordered away by General Johnston; but I am informed
that their morning report will show over 300 as present. These reports were
made before those who had been ferried over the river at Donelson had come up.
A considerable number of men from
each of these regiments were "saved" and many of each were left behind. Of my
own brigade, a great many who were left effected their escape by every means
they could command and joined their regiments and companies, except the
Twentieth Regiment Mississippi Volunteers, which, by General Johnston's order,
was detached and sent home to recruit. This regiment, at the last accounts I
had of it, immediately after the fight of Fort Don-elson, numbered, as already
stated, about 300 men; but I have no accurate information on the subject. The
loss I felt most seriously was that of my three artillery companies of
Virginia troops, so remarkable for their efficiency and real gallantry, who
had followed me so faithfully throughout my service in Virginia, and who
fought so bravely during the whole of the trying conflict at Donelson.
I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
JOHN B. FLOYD,
Brig. Gen., C. S. A.
PETER OTEY,
Assistant Adjutant-General.
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